IN CHRONOLOGICAL
ORDER
Pakistan emerged on the world
map on August 14,1947. It has its roots into the remote past. Its
establishment was the culmination of the struggle by Muslims of the
South-Asian subcontinent for a separate homeland of their own and its
foundation was laid when Muhammad bin Qasim subdued Sindh in 711 A.D. as a
reprisal against sea pirates that had taken refuge in Raja Dahir's kingdom.
The advent of Islam further
strengthened the historical individuality in the areas now constituting
Pakistan and further beyond its boundaries. Stone Age Some of the earliest
relics of Stone Age man in the subcontinent are found in the Soan Valley of
the Potohar region near Rawalpindi, with a probable antiquity of about
500,000 years. No human skeleton of such antiquity has yet been discovered
in the area, but the crude stone implements recovered from the terraces of
the Soan carry the saga of human toil and labor in this part of the world to
the inter-glacial period. These Stone Age men fashioned their implements in
a sufficiently homogenous way to justify their grouping in terms of a
culture called the Soan Culture. About 3000 B.C, amidst the rugged
wind-swept valleys and foothills of Balochistan, small village communities
developed and began to take the first hesitant steps towards civilization.
Here, one finds a more continuous story of human activity, though still in
the Stone Age.
These pre-historic men
established their settlements, both as herdsmen and as farmers, in the
valleys or on the outskirts of the plains with their cattle and cultivated
barley and other crops. Red and buffer Cultures Careful excavations of the
pre-historic mounds in these areas and the classification of their contents,
layer by layer, have grouped them into two main categories of Red Ware
Culture and Buff Ware Culture. The former is popularly known as the Zhob
Culture of North Balochistan, while the latter comprises the Quetta, Amri
Nal and Kulli Cultures of Sindh and South Balochistan. Some Amri Nal
villages or towns had stone walls and bastions for defence purposes and
their houses had stone foundations. At Nal, an extensive cemetery of this
culture consists of about 100 graves. An important feature of this composite
culture is that at Amri and certain other sites, it has been found below the
very distinctive Indus Valley Culture. On the other hand, the steatite seals
of Nal and the copper implements and certain types of pot decoration suggest
a partial overlap between the two. It probably represents one of the local
societies which constituted the environment for the growth of the Indus
Valley Civilization.
The pre-historic site of Kot
Diji in the Sindh province has provided information of high significance for
the reconstruction of a connected story which pushes back the origin of this
civilization by 300 to 500 years, from about 2500 B.C.. to at least 2800
B.C. Evidence of a new cultural elements of pre-Harappan era has been traced
here. Pre-Harappan Civilization When the primitive village communities in
the Balochistan area were still struggling against a difficult highland
environment, a highly cultured people were trying to assert themselves at
Kot Diji, one of the most developed urban civilizations of the ancient world
which flourished between the years 2500 and 1500 B.C. in the Indus Valley
sites of Moenjodaro and Harappa. These Indus Valley people possessed a high
standard of art and craftsmanship and a well developed system of quasi
pictographic writing, which despite continuing efforts still remains
undeciphered. The imposing ruins of the beautifully planned Moenjodaro and
Harappa towns present clear evidence of the unity of a people having the
same mode of life and using the same kind of tools. Indeed, the brick
buildings of the common people, the public baths, the roads and covered
drainage system suggest the picture of a happy and contented people. Aryan
Civilization In or about 1500 B.C., the Aryans descended upon the Punjab and
settled in the Sapta Sindhu, which signifies the Indus plain. They developed
a pastoral society that grew into the Rigvedic Civilization. The Rigveda is
replete with hymns of praise for this region, which they describe as "God
fashioned". It is also clear that so long as the Sapta Sindhu remained the
core of the Aryan Civilization, it remained free from the caste system. The
caste institution and the ritual of complex sacrifices took shape in the
Gangetic Valley. There can be no doubt that the Indus Civilization
contributed much to the development of the Aryan civilization. Gandhara
Culture The discovery of the Gandhara grave culture in Dir and Swat will go
a long way in throwing light on the period of Pakistan's cultural history
between the end of the Indus Culture in 1500 B.C. and the beginning of the
historic period under the Achaemenians in the sixth century B.C. Hindu
mythology and Sanskrit literary traditions seem to attribute the destruction
of the Indus civilization to the Aryans, but what really happened, remains a
mystery. The Gandhara grave culture has opened up two periods in the
cultural heritage of Pakistan: one of the Bronze Age and the other of the
Iron Age. It is so named because it presents a peculiar pattern of living in
hilly zones of the Gandhara region as evidenced in the graves. This culture
is different from the Indus Culture and has little relations with the
village culture of Balochistan. Stratigraphy as well as the artifacts
discovered from this area suggest that the Aryans moved into this part of
the world between 1,500 and 600 B.C. In the sixth century B.C., Buddha began
his teachings, which later on spread throughout the northern part of the
South-Asian subcontinent. It was towards the end of this century, too, that
Darius I of Iran organized Sindh and Punjab as the twentieth satrapy of his
empire.
There are remarkable
similarities between the organizations of that great empire and the Mauryan
empire of the third century B.C., while Kautilya's Arthshastra also shows a
strong Persian influence, Alexander of Macedonia after defeating Darius III
in 330 B.C. had also marched through the South-Asian subcontinent up to the
river Beas, but Greek influence on the region appears to have been limited
to contributing a little to the establishment of the Mauryan empire. The
great empire that Asoka, the grandson of Chandragupta Maurya, built in the
subcontinent included only that part of the Indus basin which is now known
as the northern Punjab. The rest of the areas astride the Indus were not
subjugated by him. These areas, which now form a substantial part of
Pakistan, were virtually independent from the time of the Guptas in the
fourth century A.D. until the rise of the Delhi Sultanate in the thirteenth
century. Gandhara Art Gandhara Art, one of the most prized possessions of
Pakistan, flourished for a period of 500 years (from the first to the fifth
century A.D.) in the present valley of Peshawar and the adjacent hilly
regions of Swat, Buner and Bajaur. This art represents a separate phase of
the cultural renaissance of the region. It was the product of a blending of
Indian, Buddhist and Greco-Roman sculpture. Gandhara Art in its early stages
received the patronage of Kanishka, the great Kushan ruler, during whose
reign the Silk Route ran through Peshawar and the Indus Valley, bringing
great prosperity to the whole area. Advent of Islam The first followers of
prophet Muhammad (Peace be upon him), to set foot on the soil of the
South-Asian subcontinent, were traders from the coast land of Arabia and the
Persian Gulf, soon after the dawn of Islam in the early seventh century A.D.
DAWN OF ISLAM
The first permanent Muslim
foothold in the subcontinent was achieved with Muhammad bin Qasim's conquest
of Sindh in 711 A.D. An autonomous Muslim state linked with the Umayyed, and
later, the Abbassid Caliphate was established with jurisdiction extending
over southern and central parts of present Pakistan. Quite a few new cities
were established and Arabic was introduced as the official language. At the
time of Mahmud of Ghazna's invasion, Muslim rule still existed, though in a
weakened form, in Multan and some other regions. The Ghaznavids (976-1148)
and their successors, the Ghaurids (1148-1206), were Central Asian by origin
and they ruled their territories, which covered mostly the regions of
present Pakistan, from capitals outside India. It was in the early
thirteenth century that the foundations of the Muslim rule in India were
laid with extended boundaries and Delhi as the capital. From 1206 to 1526
A.D., five different dynasties held sway. Then followed the period of Mughal
ascendancy (1526-1707) and their rule continued, though nominally, till
1857. From the time of the Ghaznavids, Persian more or less replaced Arabic
as the official language. The economic, political and religious institutions
developed by the Muslims bore their unique impression. The law of the State
was based on Shariah and in principle the rulers were bound to enforce it.
Any long period of laxity was generally followed by reinforcement of these
laws under public pressure. The impact of Islam on the South-Asian
subcontinent was deep and far-reaching. Islam introduced not only a new
religion, but a new civilization, a new way of life and new set of values.
Islamic traditions of art and literature, of culture and refinement, of
social and welfare institution, were established by Muslim rulers throughout
the subcontinent. A new language, Urdu, derived mainly from Arabic and
Persian vocabulary and adopting indigenous words and idioms, came to be
spoken and written by the Muslims and it gained currency among the rest of
the Indian population.
URDU IS THE NATIONAL
LANGUAGE OF PAKISTAN
Apart from religion, Urdu
also enabled the Muslim community during the period of its ascendancy to
preserve its separate identity in the subcontinent.
Muslim Identity -- The
question of Muslim identity, however assumed seriousness during the decline
of Muslim power in South Asia. The first person to realize its acuteness was
the scholar theologian, Shah Waliullah (1703-62). He laid the foundation of
Islamic renaissance in the subcontinent and became a source of inspiration
for almost all the subsequent social and religious reform movements of the
nineteenth, and twentieth centuries. His immediate successors, inspired by
his teachings, tried to establish a modest Islamic state in the north-west
of India and they, under the leadership of Sayyed Ahmad Shaheed Barelvi
(1786-1831), persevered in this direction. British Expansionism and Muslim
Resistance Meanwhile, starting with the East India Company, the British had
emerged as the dominant force in South Asia. Their rise to power was gradual
extending over a period of nearly one hundred years. They replaced the
Shariah by what they termed as the Anglo-Muhammadan law whereas Urdu was
replaced by English as the official language. These and other developments
had great social, economic and political impact especially on the Muslims of
South Asia. The uprising of 1857, termed as the Indian Mutiny by the British
and the War of Independence by the Muslims, was a desperate attempt to
reverse the adverse course of events. Religious Institutions The failure of
the 1857 War of Independence had disastrous consequences for the Muslims as
the British placed all the responsibility for this event on them. Determined
to stop such a recurrence in future, the British followed deliberately a
repressive policy against the Muslims. Properties and estates of those even
remotely associated with the freedom fighters were confiscated and conscious
efforts were made to close all avenues of honest living for them. The Muslim
response to this situation also aggravated their plight. Their religious
leaders, who had been quite active, withdrew from the mainstream of the
community life and devoted themselves exclusively to imparting religious
education. Although the religious academies especially those of Deoband,
Farangi Mahal and Rai Bareilly, established by the Ulema, did help the
Muslims to preserve their identity, the training provided in these
institutions hardly equipped them for the new challenges. Educational Reform
The Muslims kept themselves aloof from western education as well as
government service. But, their compatriots, the Hindus, did not do so and
accepted the new rulers without reservation. They acquired western
education, imbibed the new culture and captured positions hitherto filled in
by the Muslims. If this situation had prolonged, it would have done the
Muslims an irreparable damage. The man to realise the impending peril was
Sir Syed Ahmad Khan (1817-1889), a witness to the tragic events of 1857. He
exerted his utmost to harmonize British Muslim relations. His assessment was
that the Muslims' safety lay in the acquisition of western education and
knowledge. He took several positive steps to achieve this objective. He
founded a college at Aligarh to impart education on western lines. Of equal
importance was the Anglo-Muhammadan Educational Conference, which he
sponsored in 1886, to provide an intellectual forum to the Muslims for the
dissemination of views in support of western education and social reform.
Similar were the objectives of the Muhammadan Literary Society, founded by
Nawab Adbul Latif (1828-93), active in Bengal, Sir Syed Ahmad Khan's efforts
transformed into a movement, known as the Aligarh Movement, and it left its
imprint on the Muslims of every part of the South-Asian subcontinent. Under
its inspiration, societies were founded throughout the subcontinent which
established educational institutions for imparting education to the Muslims.
Sir Syed Ahmad Khan was
averse to the idea of participation by the Muslims in any organized
political activity which, he feared, might revive British hostility towards
them. He also disliked Hindu Muslim collaboration in any joint venture. His
disillusionment in this regard stemmed basically from the Urdu Hindi
controversy of the late 1860s when the Hindu enthusiasts vehemently
championed the cause of Hindi to replace Urdu. He, therefore, opposed the
Indian National Congress when it was founded in 1885 and advised the Muslims
to abstain from its activities. His contemporary and a great scholar of
Islam, Syed Ameer Ali (1849-1928), shared his views about the Congress, but,
he was not opposed to Muslims organizing themselves politically. In fact, he
organised the first significant political body of the Muslims, the Central
National Muhammadan Association. Although, its membership was limited, it
had more than 50 branches in different parts of the subcontinent and it
accomplished some solid work for the educational and political advancement
of the Muslims. But, its activities waned towards the end of the nineteenth
century. The Muslim League At the dawn of the twentieth century, a number of
factors convinced the Muslims of the need to have an effective political
organization. Therefore, in October 1906, a deputation comprising 35 Muslim
leaders met the Viceroy of the British at Simla and demanded separate
electorates. Three months later, the All-India Muslim League was founded by
Nawab Salimullah Khan at Dhaka, mainly with the objective of safeguarding
the political rights and interests of the Muslims. The British conceded
separate electorates in the Government of India Act of 1909 which confirmed
the Muslim League's position as an All-India party. Attempt for Hindu Muslim
Unity The visible trend of the two major communities progressing in opposite
directions caused deep concern to leaders of All-India stature. They
struggled to bring the Congress and the Muslim League on one platform.
Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah (1876-1948) was the leading figure among
them. After the annulment of the partition of Bengal and the European
Powers' aggressive designs against the Ottoman Empire and North Africa, the
Muslims were receptive to the idea of collaboration with the Hindus against
the British rulers.
The Congress Muslim League
rapprochement was achieved at the Lucknow sessions of the two parties in
1916 and a joint scheme of reforms was adopted. In the Lucknow Pact. as the
scheme was commonly referred to, the Congress accepted the principle of
separate electorates, and the Muslims, in return for `weightage' to the
Muslims of the Muslim minority provinces, agreed to surrender their thin
majorities in the Punjab and Bengal. The post Lucknow Pact period witnessed
Hindu Muslim amity and the two parties came to hold their annual sessions in
the same city and passed resolutions of identical contents.
KHILAFAT MOVEMENT
The Hindu Muslim unity
reached its climax during the Khilafat and the Non-cooperation Movements.
The Muslims of soothsayer, under the leadership of the Ali Brothers, Maulana
Muhammad Ali and Maulana Shaukat Ali, launched the historic Khilafat
Movement after the First World War to protect the Ottoman Empire from
dismemberment. Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi (1869-1948) linked the issue of
Swaraj (self-government) with the Khilafat issue to associate the Hindus
with the Movement. the ensuing Movement was the first countrywide popular
movement.
Although the Movement failed
in its objectives, it had a far-reaching impact on the Muslims of South
Asia. After a long time, they took united action on a purely Islamic issue
which momentarily forged solidarity among them. It also produced a class of
Muslim leaders experienced in organizing and mobilizing the public. This
experience was of immense value to the Muslims later during the Pakistan
Movement The collapse of the Khilafat Movement was followed by a period of
bitter Hindu Muslim antagonism. The Hindus organized two highly anti Muslim
movements, the Shudhi and the Sangathan. The former movement was designed to
convert Muslims to Hinduism and the latter was meant to create solidarity
among the Hindus in the event of communal conflict. In retaliation, the
Muslims sponsored the Tabligh and Tanzim organizations to counter the impact
of the Shudhi and the Sangathan. In the 1920s, the frequency of communal
riots was unprecedented. Several Hindu-Muslim unity conferences were held to
remove the causes of conflict, but, it seemed nothing could mitigate the
intensity of communalism. Muslim Demand Safeguards In the light of this
situation, the Muslims revised their constitutional demands. They now wanted
preservation of their numerical majorities in the Punjab and Bengal,
separation of Sindh from Bombay, constitution of Balochistan as a separate
province and introduction of constitutional reforms in the North-West
Frontier Province. It was partly to press these demands that one section of
the All-India Muslim League cooperated with the Statutory commission sent by
the British Government under the chairmanship of Sir John Simon in 1927.
SIMON COMMISSION
The other section of the
League, which boycotted the Simon Commission for its all-White character,
cooperated with the Nehru Committee, appointed by the All-Parties
Conference, to draft a constitution for India. The Nehru Report had an
extremely anti-Muslim bias and the Congress leadership's refusal to amend it
disillusioned even the moderate Muslims. Allama Muhammad Iqbal Several
leaders and thinkers, having insight into the Hindu-Muslim question proposed
separation of Muslim India. However, the most lucid exposition of the inner
feeling of the Muslim community was given by Allama Muhammad
Iqbal(1877-1938) in his Presidential Address at the All-India Muslim League
Session at Allahabad in 1930. He suggested that for the healthy development
of Islam in South-Asia, it was essential to have a separate Muslim state at
least in the Muslim majority regions of the north-west. Later on, in his
correspondence with Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah, he included the Muslim
majority areas in the north-east also in his proposed Muslim state. Three
years after his Allahabad Address, a group of Muslim students at Cambridge,
headed by Chaudhry Rehmat Ali, issued a pamphlet, Now or Never, in which
drawing letters from the names of the Muslim majority regions, they gave the
nomenclature of "Pakistan" to the proposed State. Very few even among the
Muslim welcomed the idea at the time. It was to take a decade for the
Muslims to embrace the demand for a separate Muslim state. Quaid-i-Azam
Muhammad Ali Jinnah Meanwhile, three Round Table Conferences were convened
in London during 1930-32, to resolve the Indian constitutional problem. The
Hindu and Muslim leaders, who were invited to these conferences, could not
draw up an agreed formula and the British Government had to announce a
`Communal Award' which was incorporated in the Government of India Act of
1935. Before the elections under this Act, the All-India Muslim League,
which had remained dormant for some time, was reorganized by Quaid-i-Azam
Muhammad Ali Jinnah, who had returned to India in 1934,after an absence of
nearly five years in England. The Muslim League could not win a majority of
Muslim seats since it had not yet been effectively reorganized. However, it
had the satisfaction that the performance of the Indian National Congress in
the Muslim constituencies was bad. After the elections, the attitude of the
Congress leadership was arrogant and domineering. The classic example was
its refusal to form a coalition government with the Muslim League in the
United Provinces. Instead, it asked the League leaders to dissolve their
parliamentary arty in the Provincial Assembly and join the Congress. Another
important Congress move after the 1937 elections was its Muslim mass contact
movement to persuade the Muslims to join the Congress and not the Muslim
League. One of its leaders, Jawaharlal Nehru, even declared that there were
only two forces in India, the British and the Congress. All this did not go
unchallenged.
Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali
Jinnah countered that there was a third force in South-Asia constituting the
Muslims. The All-India Muslim League, under his gifted leadership, gradually
and skillfully started organising the Muslims on one platform. Towards a
Separate Muslim Homeland The 1930s witnessed awareness among the Muslims of
their separate identity and their anxiety to preserve it within separate
territorial boundaries. An important element that brought this simmering
Muslim nationalism in the open was the character of the Congress rule in the
Muslim minority provinces during 1937-39. The Congress policies in these
provinces hurt Muslim susceptibilities. There were calculated aims to
obliterate the Muslims as a separate cultural unit. The Muslims now stopped
thinking in terms of seeking safeguards and began to consider seriously the
demand for a separate Muslim state. During 1937-39, several Muslim leaders
and thinkers, inspired by Allama Iqbal's ideas, presented elaborate schemes
for partitioning the subcontinent according to two-nation theory. Pakistan
Resolution The All-India Muslim League soon took these schemes into
consideration and finally, on March 23, 1940, the All-India Muslim League,
in a resolution, at its historic Lahore Session, demanded a separate
homeland for the Muslims in the Muslim majority regions of the subcontinent.
The resolution was commonly referred to as the Pakistan Resolution. The
Pakistan demand had a great appeal for the Muslims of every persuasion. It
revived memories of their past greatness and promised future glory. They,
therefore, responded to this demand immediately. Cripps Mission The British
Government recognized the genuineness of the Pakistan demand indirectly in
the proposals for the transfer of power after the Second World War which Sir
Stafford Cripps brought to India in 1942. Both the Congress and the
All-India Muslim League rejected these proposals for different reasons. The
principles of secession of Muslim India as a separate Dominion was however,
conceded in these proposals. After this failure, a prominent Congress
leader, C. Rajgopalacharia, suggested a formula for a separate Muslim state
in the Working Committee of the Indian National Congress, which was rejected
at the time, but later on, in 1944, formed the basis of the Jinnah-Gandhi
talks. Demand for Pakistan
PAKISTAN MOVEMENT
The Pakistan demand became
popular during the Second World War Every section of the Muslim
community-men , women,students,Ulema and businessmen-were organized under
the banner of the All-India Muslim League. Branches of the party were opened
even in the remote corners of the subcontinent. Literature in the form of
pamphlets, books, magazines and newspapers was produced to explain the
Pakistan demand and distributed widely. The support gained by the All-India
Muslim League and its demand for Pakistan was tested after the failure of
the Simla Conference, convened by the Viceroy, Lord Wavell, in 1945.
Elections were called to determine the respective strength of the political
parties. The All-India Muslim League election campaign was based on the
Pakistan demand. The Muslim community responded to this call in an
unprecedented way. Numerous Muslim parties were formed making united
parliamentary board at the behest of the Congress to oppose the Muslim
League. But the All-India Muslim League swept all the thirty seats in the
Central Legislature and in the provincial elections also, its victory was
outstanding. After the elections, on April 8-9,1946, the All-India Muslim
League called a convention of the newly-elected League members in the
Central and Provincial Legislatures at Delhi. This convention, which
constituted virtually a representative assembly of the Muslims of South
Asia, on a motion by the Chief Minister of Bengal, Hussain Shaheed
Suhrawardy, reiterated the Pakistan demand in clearer terms. Cabinet Plan In
early 1946, the British Government sent a Cabinet Mission to the
subcontinent to resolve the constitutional deadlock. The Mission conducted
negotiations with various political parties, but failed to evolve an agreed
formula. Finally, the Cabinet Mission announced its own Plan, which among
other provisions, envisaged three federal groupings,two of them comprising
the Muslim majority provinces, linked at the Centre in a loose federation
with three subjects. The Muslim League accepted the plan, as a strategic
move, expecting to achieve its objective in not-too-distant a future. The
All-India Congress also agreed to the Plan, but, soon realising its
implications, the Congress leaders began to interpret it in a way not
visualized by the authorise of the Plan. This provided the All-India Muslim
League an excuse to withdraw its acceptance of the Plan and the party
observed August 16, as a `Direct Action Day' to show Muslim solidarity in
support of the Pakistan demand. Partition Scheme In October 1946, an Interim
Government was formed. The Muslim League sent its representative under the
leadership of its General Secretary, Mr. Liaquat Ali Khan, with the aim to
fight for the party objective from within the Interim Government. After a
short time, the situation inside the Interim Government and outside
convinced the Congress leadership to accept Pakistan as the only solution of
the communal problem. The British Government, after its last attempt to save
the Cabinet Mission Plan in December 1946, also moved towards a scheme for
the partition of India. The last British Viceroy, Lord Louis Mountbatten,
came with a clear mandate to draft a plan for the transfer of power.
After holding talks with
political leaders and parties, he prepared a Partition Plan for the transfer
of power, which, after approval of the British Government, was announced on
June 3,1947. Emergence of Pakistan Both the Congress and the Muslim League
accepted the Plan. Two largest Muslim majority provinces, Bengal and Punjab,
were partitioned. The Assemblies of West Punjab, East Bengal and Sindh and
in Balochistan, the Quetta Municipality, and the Shahi Jirga voted for
Pakistan. Referenda were held in the North-West Frontier Province and the
District of Sylhet in Assam, which resulted in an overwhelming vote for
Pakistan. As a result, on August 14,1947, the new state of Pakistan came
into existence.